Tag Archives: household registration system

Household registration reform and peri-urban precarity in China

Smith, N. R. (2014). Living on the edge: household registration reform and peri-urban precarity in China. Journal of Urban Affairs. doi: 10.1111/juaf.12107

China’s household registration system divides the nation into urban and rural populations, conditioning life chances and producing widespread inequity. Recent reform experiments in Chongqing have met with mixed success, as many residents have declined to convert to urban registration. This article ethnographically investigates the rationales and strategies of residents in Hailong, a village in Chongqing where residents were reluctant to participate in household registration reform. For Hailong residents, the state-sponsored welfare offered through urban registration was perceived as a source of exploitation and precarity. In search of stability, Hailong residents developed informal welfare strategies, including mutual support networks and economic diversification. By forcing residents to give up their land rights and adopt urban roles, household registration reform threatened these informal strategies. The article concludes by exploring the policy implications of this analysis, including the possibility of developing formal welfare programs that complement—rather than replace—informal strategies.

Monique Abud

Centre d'études sur la Chine moderne et contemporaine, EHESS, Paris, France

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China releases plan to incorporate farmers into cities

The government plans to move 215 millions people from rural areas to cities by the year 2025. One of the results awaited by the Chinese government by sustaining urbanisation is the creation of a consumer culture driving Chinese economy and raising standard living. But this plan will generate side effects concerning the integration of farmers moved into cities such as the lack of infrastructures (transports, houses, schools, hospitals) and the restricted access to public services for the people who are still registered as rural residents while they live since many years in the city. 

“Currently, nearly 54 percent of Chinese live in cities, but only 36 percent are registered as urban residents (…). The plan calls for integrating 100 million of these second-class citizens, so that by 2020, 60 percent of Chinese should be living in cities, with 45 percent enjoying full urban status, the plan states”.

According to urban planners, to make this plan effective, the government will have to carry out two complementaries reforms which are taxe reform, in order  to give more financial capacity to local authorities for investing into infrastructures, and farmers’ land rights reform, in order to give them the choice to keep or live their land. Two major reforms still however in the planning phase, according to Tao Ran, the acting director of the Brookings-Tsinghua Center for Public Policy

 

For more information, read the full article: Johnson, Ian. China Releases Plan to Incorporate Farmers Into CitiesThe New York Times, March 17, 2014. [Retrieved March 19, 2014].

Oriane Pillet

Intern at the CNRS, UrbaChina project. M.A. in urban local development (IEDES, Paris); M.A. in international development studies (Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris - Utrecht University); B.A. in geography and law (Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris).

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吉普鲁教授谈中国城镇化和中欧城镇化合作

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奥迪尔▪柯内特: 21世纪中国城镇化面临的主要挑战是什么?

吉普鲁教授: 2012年,中国城镇人口在历史上第一次超过了其农业人口。据估算,大约有两亿三千万持农村户口的移民(或者说农民工)到城里务工。这部分人的生活条件非 常艰苦,工作强度很大,收入微薄,住宿条件非常恶劣。要注意到一个细微的差别,那就是城市里的居民并不全是城里人。在七亿五千万的总城镇人口中,两亿三千 万属于二等市民。因此,在未来20年里,中国面临的最大挑战,就是如何安置从乡村迁移城市的5亿农民工。也就是说,中国每两个月就必须安置200万的市 民。中国面临的第二大挑战,是如何将这几亿的农民工转变成为市民,和其他市民享受同样的权利。

奥迪尔▪柯内特: 欧洲的城镇化经验对中国人有用吗?

吉普鲁教授: 在服务领域,欧洲的经验应该会很适用。从农民工的利益出发,我们可以列举几项内容,如低收入群体住房安置项目、贫困居民的社会服务项目或不懂普通话的外来农民工的教育项目等等。

垃圾处理项目也是中国可以借鉴的经验。如果从卫星上俯瞰北京城,我们可以发现北京城周围郊区围绕着一圈公共垃圾场。大部分垃圾场都不会焚烧这些垃 圾,而是对其进行填埋,但填埋往往会导致有害物质渗漏到地下水。而在欧洲,我们则设有垃圾分类中心,大部分情况下这些垃圾会被焚烧或被回收。

另一个比较关键的问题,即交通。在中国,我们看到了真正意义上的城市大拥堵,不同交通方式的大拥堵。随着一些城镇居民的迅速致富,汽车的数量激增, 然而,基础设施建设依然非常落后。在北京,就有三到四百万辆汽车,堵车现象极为严重。像其他发达国家之前的做法一样,中国也采取了相当严厉的限制新车政 策。

此外,我们还研究了一些相关的问题,如停车场的管理,电动车等。在北京,有大量的电动自行车,这些自行车看上去很环保,但其电池效用很低。所以,需要全盘考虑,以便更好地理解一项政策(比如电动汽车)的选择对环境带来的影响。

奥迪尔▪柯内特:看上去情况似乎很严重?

吉普鲁教授: 的确,在中国,城市环境呈现出一个比较糟糕的景象。但这并不是不可以改变的。只是在我看来,这个问题较为复杂。要找到解决途径,我们必须进一步研究经济增 长、城市扩张和土地功能这三者之间的关系。先从城市扩张来看,人们经常谈论“智慧城市”,即“紧凑型城市”,在这种城市,交通可以依赖步行或自行车来实 现。但30年来,城市人口激增,但城市范围有限。这种城市扩张代价很大,这是土地合法地位的结果。要知道在1994年税制改革之后,地方政府必须承担很多 新的开支(教育、健康),而中央政府却保留了大部分的税收。这些新的开支最后得到了解决,解决的方式很简单,主要是通过征地,将原本属于农民的集体土地 (一般通过补偿方式)转化为公用土地,然后通过竞标,将这些土地以很高的价格卖给那些开发商。

鉴于土地权在这些重要演进中的重要性,我们不难理解为什么中国伙伴对欧洲的土地问题以及公众程序等表现出的强烈好奇心。

同样出于经济上的考虑,地方政府也极力将一些能纳税多的工厂吸引到城市的行政区域中来。这就导致了制造业的过渡膨胀以及作为平衡增长关键所在的服务 业的萎缩。这一做法最终导致了严重的环境污染。现在,很多中产阶层的人都认为城市不适宜居住,也开始意识到工业化及城镇化在提高人们生活水平的同时,也带 来了灾难。我们期待,这将在一定程度上改变中国目前经济增长的模式,希望中国比当年的西方国家更早意识到并着手改变他们的发展模式。

奥迪尔•柯内特 : 那么怎样的城市发展模式更适用于中国?

吉普鲁教授: 在欧洲,我们不难想到德国的模式。在这个国家,大部分居民都居住在生活品质很高的小城市里。然而,那些四处漂移的移民人口,他们希望去大都市,因为那里就业机会更多,服务质量更高。

奥迪尔•柯内特: 我们意识到在城镇化进程中,土地和“户口”是很重要的, 那么, 户籍制的演变是否可能?

吉普鲁教授: 过去的20年已经发生了改变。“十二五”规划目标之一,就是逐步将外来务工人员纳入到城市的范畴。无论如何,户籍制不会立马被取消。但我们可以设想一个缓 慢的进程,在这一进程中,每年有200-300万农民工有机会被纳入到城市范畴,并享有市民的所有权利。这将是一个多么重大的进步。

奥迪尔•柯内特 : 您的合作项目对欧洲和中国会产生怎样的影响?

吉普鲁教授: 欧盟可以与中国人一起分享在他们看来有用的专业知识。欧洲有众多小公司,这些公司在各自领域都颇具真正的专业知识(如城市流动、建筑和智能城市等)。当 然,这种类型的专业知识往往需要硬件与之相配套,尤其它们是与新技术相关的宝贵技能及网络知识。在这些领域中国人目前非常活跃。因此,我们的合作机会可以 帮助合作伙伴将市场拓展到欧洲,以及日本和美国。

城市遗产是欧洲的另一大宝贵财富。中国人也很关注欧洲的生活质量以及城市遗产的保护。中国的城市遗产是巨大的,但往往被“冻结”。 在挖掘机和“冻结”两者之间,人们可以找到解决方案。因而,中国对欧洲遗产的保护程序及资助模式表现出了浓厚的兴趣。

奥迪尔•柯内特 : 您如何看待王澍获得中国首个普利兹克建筑奖?

吉普鲁教授: 这是一位杰出的建筑师,他曾经说过,中国建筑的未来,不在城市,而是在农村,在那里人们可以找到与自然的和谐。他一语惊人,很可能这是深深植根于中国文化 的一种情感。但是,这一情感与一些中国城市规划者的观点存在直接的冲突,因为对后者而言,他们所看到的城市是个纯粹的定量。幸运的是,观念正在发生变化。 最近在辽宁召开的一次关于拆除棚户区的研讨会上,中国的建筑师和规划师们都意识到,尽管这些居民生活在恶劣的条件下,但他们都不希望被安置在偏远地带,因 此,搬迁项目应保留城中村的社会结构,维持紧密的社会关系,保证居民日常的工作及街道的商业活动…。这一思考,是令人欣慰的,是一种非物质的思考,而欧洲 当年拆除贫民窟的过程中也有过类似的思考。

总而言之,我认为,两、三年后,在未来布鲁塞尔中欧项目招标中,鉴于我们在该领域积累的经验,中欧合作将更加有针对性。

Chi-Han Ai

Ph.D. candidate of EHESS ( École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Paris) focusing on regional economic development in China and Taiwan.

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Radio France International’s interview with Zhou Qing

Zhou Qing 周勍, an artist who lives n Munich, Germany and has been closely following the issue of China’s household registration system as well as other social problems. This interview is conducted by Dong Xi Nan Bei Dong Xi Nan Bei [東西南北], the host of the Radio program Radio France International in January 2012. The recorded interview was held in Chinese and published on Urbachina’s blog on February 26.

Radio France International (RFI): The National Bureau of Statistics of China indicated that, at the end of 2011, China’s urban population accounted for 51.27% of the total population, the very first time the urban population has exceeded the rural population According to the China Statistical Yearbook, China’s urbanisation rate was only 10.64% in 1949 and had reached no more than 17.9% in 1978. Since then, the annual urbanisation rate has increased by 0.9% on average. More than 600 million people in rural areas have moved into urban areas. This large-scale urbanisation is a prominent characteristic of Chinese development when compared with other countries. How can we account for the fact that the urban population exceeds the rural population for the first time in China?

Zhou Qing: I still find that the calculation of urbanisation statistics in China is confusing. Distinguishing the urban population from the rural population still depends on the definition of residence, which means that when rural areas are converted into urban zones, the rural population still lives in the same place, but cannot benefit from urban medical Insurance.  In this kind of situation, even though the urbanisation rate has increased, the living quality of rural people has not changed. This is simply a paper policy differentiating different types of residence.

RFI: Are you optimistic about the future of urbanisation in China?

Zhou Qing: I am pessimistic about it. The high urbanisation rate in China is a result of local government land sales. However, local governments have not paid much attention to the rights of farmers, and farmers have been treated like second-class citizens since 1957. They cannot even move about of their own free will. Now, the value of land is increasing, but local governments still expropriate farmers’ lands at a very low price. This is frightening.

RFI: Urbanisation in China is built on rural resources.  First of all, there is the land, and secondly, there is the labor force. However, in the past 30 years, the government has been confiscating the farmers’ land at a cheap rate, and the salaries of rural laborers are unfairly low.  In addition to this, the rural population cannot register as urban households. It is fair to say that farmers make up one of the groups that are subject to discrimination. As you have been especially concerned by the household registration system in China, how would you explain this phenomenon?

Zhou Qing: In order to have more space for urban development, the government confiscates rural areas and converts farmers’ household registration into urban household registration. However, after this change has been effected, the government does not provide the corresponding policies and measures to assist and educate the rural population. Farmers receive subsidies for their land, but nothing else; they suddenly possess a lot of money, but as they don’t know how to manage it and cannot work in urban zones, they use the money to get a wife from some remote place or else waste it on gambling. This is becoming a common security issue in China.

RFI: How can China benefit from the fact that its urban population exceeds its rural population?

Zhou Qing: This is merely one of the political achievements which demonstrate the high rate of industrialization in China.

RFI: What is the fundamental difference between China’s urbanisation and that of the West?

Zhou Qing:  Western urbanisation involves establishing the city first, and then creating job opportunities, as well as the corresponding facilities.  This will encourage the rural population to come to the urban areas. China’s urbanization, on the other hand, involves incorporating rural land into urban areas in order to confiscate land or to show that the industrialization rate of one area is higher than that of other areas. In other words, the government focuses on land development rather than on the improvement of the quality of urbanization.   Therefore, for farmers, there is little chance of benefiting from the jobs, the culture, and the civilisation of urban areas.

Chi-Han Ai

Ph.D. candidate of EHESS ( École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Paris) focusing on regional economic development in China and Taiwan.

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Across the institutional passage of migration: the hukou system in China

China has experienced more than two decades of rapid urbanization.  Migration from the countryside into cities has been the main driver of urban growth. Rural-urban migration is thus playing an increasingly important role in shaping the economic and demographic landscape of Chinese cities.

The hukou system in China is a household registration system that functions as a domestic passport system to regulate the migration of people, especially from rural to urban areas, and from small cities to large cities. Few other institutions have played a more important role than the hukousystem in defining and prescribing the conditions of social life, politics, and economic development in China.

Luo, Rumin. “Across the institutional passage of migration : Hukou system in China”. InterDisciplines : journal of history and sociology, 2012, 3(1), 120-147.  Full text available online.

Monique Abud

Centre d'études sur la Chine moderne et contemporaine, EHESS, Paris, France

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